Vision and grit - Asif Ezdi

Vision and Grit

After two months of reticence on his government’s policies, Nawaz has been doing a lot of talking of late, both on the economy – which he considers to have been the major achievement of his last two terms as prime minister – and on foreign policy, on which he has promised the nation a “bold review” during his current stewardship.

Within a week after his first televised address to the nation came his interview with the British newspaper, The Daily Telegraph. Like his speech, the interview confirmed the impression that he is bent on continuing the same policies that in 1999 brought the country close to economic disaster and on embarking on a risky new foreign policy course towards India that could put the country’s national interests and security at stake.

Despite all evidence to the contrary, Nawaz himself is convinced that the country would have been on the way to becoming an ‘Asian tiger’ were it not for the fact that his earlier tenures as prime minister were cut short by army intervention. Not only does Nawaz fail to grasp the importance of developing the social sector, his vision of economic development is also heavily skewed. It pretty much starts and ends with motorways, bullet trains and airports.

Since returning to power, and especially since his China visit, Nawaz has been gushing endlessly about motorways, tunnels and fast railways linking the north and south of the country, as well as China. Reviving memories of arbitrariness and financial recklessness in his two previous terms, Nawaz has also ordered some major modifications and additions in the economic corridor plans without a prior study of their technical and economic feasibility.

The proposed changes range from some that are simply irrational, like giving Gwadar the status of Hong Kong, to those that are both hugely expensive and of dubious utility, like a 15-kilometre long tunnel under the Babusar Pass to connect Chilas with Mansehra. In addition, he has come up with two other crazy schemes: a new airport for Islamabad at Rewat in addition to the one nearing completion at Fatehjang, and a railway line to Murree, his favourite hill resort.

Finances do not seem to be a concern for Nawaz. The money, he thinks, will come from foreign investors. For example, out of the 10 power plants comprising the 6,600MW Gadani power park, only one is to be set up by the federal government, while foreign investors would be expected to set up the remaining nine.

Nawaz clearly has still to learn how to govern a country and put it on the path to development. The government’s job, which he is neglecting, is to provide the necessary education and training so that there is skilled manpower for running and managing a modern economy, to create a policy and legal framework that encourages saving and investment and to put in place an equitable taxation system in which the rich bear most of the burden for providing education and social services to all. None of this is a priority for Nawaz.

Nawaz’s grasp of foreign policy matters is even more flimsy. Yet, he has not even appointed a foreign minister. Last week, the foreign ministry issued a statement reminding everyone that the special assistant to the prime minister on foreign affairs has had an illustrious diplomatic career during which he always acquitted himself with great distinction and that in his present position, he is rendering valuable services in implementing the foreign policy priorities of the present government.

But despite the special assistant’s many talents and services, the fact remains that the government’s foreign policy, especially on relations with India and the US, threatens to compromise our vital national interests.

In his interview with The Daily Telegraph, Nawaz once again spoke with great feeling on the evils of an “arms race” between Pakistan and India “ever since partition”, saying that the two countries would have to reduce their defence budgets but that Pakistan would not do it “on a one-sided basis”. Clearly, even in his third term as prime minister, Nawaz still does not know that Pakistan has never sought to match India’s military hardware but only to maintain a capability sufficient to deter any military adventure by India.

Also, Nawaz still seems to be living in the 1990s. He is obviously unaware that since then India has set its sights on becoming a global power with the full support and encouragement of the US. India is also pressing ahead to acquire the military hardware that goes with that dream.

Pakistan does not need to match India in every field but only has to maintain a credible nuclear deterrent, including a tactical nuclear weapons capability, as well as a conventional force that ensures that the nuclear threshold does not drop too low.

Nawaz was asked by his interviewer whether he believed the country’s intelligence services when they told him that India’s hidden hand was behind some of the acts of terrorism in Pakistan. The honourable prime minister refused to answer the question, in effect casting doubt on the credibility of the agencies. We don’t know whether it was out of a desire not to embarrass the Indian leadership, or because he distrusts his own agencies.

On relations with the US, Nawaz described the American drone strikes in Pakistani territory as the No 1 “irritant” and complained they were not “fair”. Later, in his speech last week to the National Assembly, Sartaj Aziz expressed the “strong hope” that in the coming days there will be “further progress” in ending the drone attacks.

It is not known what the basis for the “hope” expressed by the advisor is, especially after a categorical statement by the State Department spokesman last month that “in no way would [the US] ever deprive [itself] of a tool to fight a threat if it arises.”

In any case, if Pakistan wants to pursue this matter meaningfully, it will have to raise it not just bilaterally but also at international forums, such as the UN General Assembly, the Human Rights Council and eventually at the UN Security Council. Shooting down the drones should be the last resort.

The advisor also informed the National Assembly that the Pakistan-US “strategic dialogue” focussing on six “pillars” would be resumed at the beginning of 2014 and that before that, Nawaz will be meeting Obama in New York. What is remarkable about this dialogue is that its agenda does not include the real strategic issues that Pakistan should be raising: namely, the US decision to ‘make India a global power’; US support for a permanent seat for India on the UN Security Council; US assistance to India’s military build-up; the US ‘pivot’ to Asia; and the denial of civil nuclear technology to Pakistan.

Pakistan has several policy options to safeguard its national interests on all these issues but our leaders have not taken the necessary steps because they have been more interested in ingratiating themselves with Washington. There is every likelihood that Nawaz will follow this ‘time-honoured’ tradition when he meets Obama this month.

On the question of Security Council reform, the Turkish prime minister last month signalled what countries unwilling to accept the tyranny of permanent membership could do. In reply to a question on the creation of additional permanent members, Erdogan indicated that UN member states that are not content with the Security Council’s composition or performance could leave the organisation and form an alternative international body.

This writer has also been advocating for some time that we should let it be known that if the permanent membership of the Security Council is enlarged, Pakistan would leave the UN. But our leaders evidently lack the vision and the grit displayed by the Turkish prime minister.

The writer is a former member of the Pakistan Foreign Service.

Email: asifezdi@yahoo.com

source: www.thenews.com.pk